by John Briel
The Minnesota Family Investment Program (MFIP)began as a field trial in 1994 after Minnesota received a federal waiver to
redesign and pilot a revised welfare program. The new program focused on
encouraging work and reducing dependence on government assistance while combating poverty. Minnesota initiated the pilot program in three urban counties
(Anoka, Hennepin and Dakota) and four rural counties (Mille Lacs, Morrison,
Sherburne and Todd). It lasted from 1994 – 1998 and was a precursor to changes
brought about by major welfare reform in 1996. In 1998, MFIP expanded to become
a statewide program. Beyond MFIP, Minnesota also has other welfare expenditures
associated with welfare, like Diversionary Work Program (DWP), Work Benefit
Program (WBP) and MN state food assistance.
Today, MFIP is “the state’s primary program for
helping low-income families with children move out of poverty through work,”
according to the MN Department of Human Services (MFIP, DWP and WBP). MFIP is funded by federal TANF Block Grants and Minnesota state Maintenance of Effort (MOE). The total payments reached $340.7 million in 2011. Of this, the state share was approximately 30
percent or $101 million. The federal share was $239.7 million or roughly 70
percent. Interestingly, for the same year the state reported $233 million in
MOE spending.
This disparity in the reported MOE spending and
the amount of state share for MFIP, DWP and WBP ($233M v. $101M) could be due
to several reasons. Varying data sets is one and another is that other
programs, besides the three aforementioned, count toward state MOE totals, like
food assistance programs. This difference in reported spending brings to mind a
growing concern by federal accountability officials, the counting of third
parties for MOE spending.
According to a report by the U.S. Government’sAccountability Office (GAO) prepared by Director of Education, Workforce and
Income Security Issues, Kay Brown, found that 13 states reported third party
nongovernmental (such as nonprofits) expenditures toward their state MOE in
2011. This is only counting states that actually
reported. The structure of TANF Block Grants provides
for little federal government oversight, so this should come as little
surprise. In fact, Utah reported that 49.4 percent of total MOE came from third
party expenditures (Brown, 2012). To my point earlier, Minnesota was not one of
the 13 states in FY 2011.
States undertaking this tactic cite that they
would not otherwise make the TANF’s MOE requirements and that public-private
partnerships are a growing source of expenditures. Additionally, third party
providers helped states meet other requirements, such as their work
participation rates. If states spend in excess of their required MOE, they
increase their caseload reduction credits and thus lower worker participation
rate measurements.
In a comparison of state TANF expenditures, Minnesota’s total expenditures in 2005
were $392M for both the federal and state. California had the highest rate at
$5.8 billion and South Dakota had the lowest with $40 million in expenditures. This
wide variation is dependent on population and government spending ethos by
state. For example, Colorado has a comparable population to Minnesota but it
only expended $214 million on TANF compared to Minnesota’s $392M in 2005. These numbers are according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
In order to ensure the country's neediest families are being adequately served, it behooves the federal government to increase oversight of the TANF Block Grant program and establish higher accountability standards for state MOE funds.
Interesting Data Source: The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is great resource for investigating how states spend state and federal funds under TANF Block Grant, http://www.cbpp.org/cms/?fa=view&id=3808.
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