What exactly is the purpose of local government aid (LGA)? It
depends who you ask. The two study groups currently discussing LGA reform are a
useful way to consider the complexities of LGA and ambiguity of its purpose. (See this Strong
Towns article for a good primer on the program.)
The tax
reform advisory group for local government aid was formed by Governor
Dayton, is composed entirely of
mayors and the co-chairs are democrats from larger cities. Let’s discuss each
of these groups individually. First, since the governor represents the entire
state, they may be more prone to emphasize the fairness gained from
distributing money to cities based on the externalities and overburden. For
example, I live in Brooklyn Center, attend school in Minneapolis, work in St.
Paul and often visit cities “up north” such as Brainerd. I may use services in
these cities such as roads or police protection but pay taxes primarily in
Brooklyn Center. I get the benefit of the service but don’t pay the entire
cost. Cities such as Minneapolis which has hospitals, a University and sports
stadiums bring in people from all over the state who use services but don’t pay
as much for them. From the standpoint of one representing the entire state, LGA
can be seen as bringing more fairness to the system by not requiring the
residents of an overburdened locality to bear the entire cost of services.
Mayors, republican and democrat alike, are often very
reliant on LGA and would be reluctant to see it go away. It helps them provide
services while keeping property taxes lower. Mayors from larger cities benefit
greatly from LGA due to overburden and have a great incentive to keep it
around. Democrats are prone to emphasize that LGA evens out service levels across
the state, so that one locality does not offer drastically different services
than another.
Adding these constituencies together, the purpose of LGA is
more likely to emphasize fairness due to overburden and equalizing service
levels, and helping to keep property taxes down.
The legislative local government aid
study group is chaired
by two republicans from outer ring suburbs (Lino Lakes and Circle Pines,) and
includes members from local government. Legislators, since they represent a
distinct geography, may have mixed feelings about LGA depending on where they
are located. In 2012,
Lino Lakes will receive no LGA while Circle Pines is set to receive $6 per
capita. Minneapolis will receive $168 per capita. Legislators from these
districts may wonder why the state is distributing money away from their
residents to the central cities. State legislators may also not be worried about
property tax increases since it would be easier for local officials to take the
heat. It is unlikely that the representative from Lino Lakes would be held
responsible if the city of Brainerd needs to raise property taxes, for example.
Republicans tend to emphasize the fact that LGA may increase
the spending of local governments on non-essential services and makes it more
difficult for local officials to be held directly accountable for their
spending. It is more difficult for a resident of a city to see the direct
connection between the taxes they pay and the services they receive when
property taxes are substituted with grant money from the state. Republicans
also emphasize that property taxes will not increase as much as spending by local
governments will decrease if LGA is taken away (see Peter’s post on the
flypaper effect.)
Adding these constituencies together, the purpose of LGA is
more likely to be defined as ensuring a basic level of essential services and
less about property tax relief. The LGA program may be eliminated for large
cities and reformed to make local governments more accountable for their
spending.
This is obviously is not meant to represent the positions of
any one member of these study groups, but is more an exercise to demonstrate
how complex this issue is and that the purpose of LGA can be understood differently based on one’s
ideology, position and constituency. It’s politics. When comparing the eventual
recommendations from these two study groups, consider how the composition of
each group affects how they define the purpose of LGA, and in turn their suggested
reforms.
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